Prince says that he ended up in the Russian army, just as he did on the front line, as a result of being deceived. And his story is by no means an isolated one. According to the Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War, nearly three thousand people from 37 African countries have been recruited from 37 African countries. But this is not the full picture: such figures are based on confirmed instances of combat operations involving foreigners or their capture.
The Kremlin’s recruitment of citizens from African countries is becoming widespread. Recruits from Kenya, Egypt, Cameroon, Ghana, Nigeria, Uganda, Algeria, Mali and other African countries continue to travel to Russia in the hope of making easy money. Only to find themselves on the front line. We explain why this is happening, as well as what the typical journey of an African recruit looks like – from the initial idea of travelling to Russia to ending up in a prisoner-of-war camp.
Important: The interviewees from Suspilne, who are prisoners of war, voluntarily agreed to be interviewed. These conversations took place whilst they were in captivity. We are unable to independently verify the accuracy of their statements.
The hunt for opportunities
It all began in 2023. At that time, the Russians had to find a quick solution to the problem of manpower shortages in their armed forces in order to continue the war. The Kremlin launched a systematic campaign to recruit people into the army, initially focusing on Russia’s historical allies and the countries of the so-called "Global South" — particularly Africa.
Attempts to recruit Africans for the war actually began as early as the first year of the full-scale war. At that time, Russia sought to attract Africans who were already on its territory — students at Russian universities or undocumented migrants. However, it was from 2023 onwards that recruitment schemes began to spread directly into Africa itself.
We know these details from a major investigation by the All Eyes on Wagner project, carried out by the organisation INPACT, which was published in February this year. At that point, the story took on an even greater scale: whereas previously there had been talk of isolated cases of recruitment, there are now thousands of them. Lu Osborne, a researcher on this project, says: “Russia is skilfully exploiting the fact that it is difficult for local people to travel anywhere outside Africa.”
“And they try to paint a fantastical picture of what it’s like to live in Russia. They portray it as a land of opportunity, where you can meet beautiful girls and where there are plenty of jobs and opportunities to improve your social standing,” says Osborne. “And then they offer a very large sum of money, which, according to our observations, people never actually receive.”
Furthermore, for some Africans, this is a chance to leave their country for good, with all its problems and poverty — and to become a Russian citizen. Lu says that the Russians offer foreigners a passport after just one year of service. And this is something that some do indeed receive. But only if they survive: according to estimates by Lu and her colleagues, an African’s service on the battlefield of the Russian-Ukrainian war rarely exceeds six months. The fighter either dies or is taken prisoner.
Petro Yatsenko, spokesperson for the Co-ordination Headquarters on the Treatment of Prisoners of War attached to the Main Intelligence Directorate of the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine, says that by no means all Africans are receiving the passports they were promised.
— But they firmly believe that they have accounts in Russian banks. And that whilst they are here in the camp, large sums of money are trickling into these accounts. That is why most of them want to return not to their own country — but to Russia, as if they were Russian citizens. So that, as they say, they can get their hands on this money, — says Yatsenko.
Petro Yatsenko, spokesperson for the Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War attached to the Main Intelligence Directorate of the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine, at one of the detention centres where prisoners of war are held. Suspilne News/Oleksandr Sova
Analysts investigating the recruitment of Africans into the Russian army, as well as the prisoners of war we spoke to, emphasise that it was money and the promise of a better life that were the decisive factors driving them to travel to Russia despite all the risks.
For example, in Prince Gani’s home country, the average monthly salary does not exceed $330. This was not enough to feed a family with four children. For four years, he worked in Dubai — though he never managed to find a job there that paid a decent wage. When asked how much he was promised in Russia, Prince avoids giving a direct answer. He says he didn’t understand the exact amount, as it was in Russian roubles.
“I knew nothing about Russia. In Dubai, I worked as a security guard day and night; I’d come home from work, sleep — and then go straight back. I didn’t have time to watch any TV channels, check social media or find out about the war,” the man explains. He adds: “The offer in Russia seemed very attractive, so I went.”
Tatinda Taririye, a 37-year-old from Zimbabwe, is more specific in his account of exactly how and why he ended up in Russia. He notes that he was warned straight away about having to serve in the army, but was allegedly assured that he would not be sent to the front line. The amount of money promised helped him make his decision.
— First, I received an advert in my email inbox. Then I was sent a message on social media which said: "I’m from Russia. We offer jobs and tourist visas. You can come here as a tourist — and if you like it here, we can offer you a job. We currently have military roles available, but you’ll be working at a military camp and won’t be sent to war. And in a year’s time, we’ll give you a passport and you’ll return to your own country,” says Tatinda, recounting how he was lured in.
He clarifies that he did not seek to become a citizen of the Russian Federation. The main incentive was the promised "bonus" — 20,000 dollars, which the man was allegedly due to receive within two weeks of signing the contract.
Nigeria is among the leading countries supplying recruits to Russia. Philip Obaji is a leading Nigerian journalist who has written about mass killings, rape, torture and other abuses committed by Russian paramilitary groups in Africa. He says: Nigeria is the most populous country in the region, and given how actively Russia is directing its recruitment network there, the number of Nigerians fighting on the Russian side is hardly surprising.
— The minimum wage in Nigeria is around $50 a month. Compare that with the promises of earning over $3,000 a month that people are told about before they set off. There are few people in Africa who wouldn’t want to take advantage of this opportunity. “People think about how much this will change their lives, as well as the lives of their families,” says Obaji.
The journalist notes that in Africa it is customary to place the responsibility for providing for an entire family of five or six people on a single individual. It is not uncommon for older brothers to have to pay for their younger brothers’ and sisters’ education, or even to provide financial support for distant relatives.
Lou Osborne says that ideological convictions and a desire to support Russia in the war are rare motivations amongst the recruits she has spoken to. But such cases do exist.
— We found one [soldier of African origin] who had previously served with the "Wagner Group". One might assume that he holds very strong ideological views on matters. But the main factor is poverty and the desire to secure better living conditions, — Osborne asserts.
At the prisoner-of-war camp where Prince and Tatinda are being held, we meet men from other African countries who are unwilling to speak on camera. Some, however, before agreeing to speak to us, ask whether we can help them ring their loved ones: they have been cut off from them since arriving in Russia. A few share views that echo Russian propaganda — though they do not wish to reveal their names or show their faces on camera or in photographs.
“The Russians don’t want to go to war with Ukraine. They’re simply giving Ukraine a chance — to negotiate, to talk. Because the Russians like Ukraine too,” one of these prisoners told Suspilne. “If it were only Ukraine fighting, this war would have ended long ago.” Russia has a lot of weapons that it isn’t using. If they decide to use them, things will get very bad. But as it is — the Russians love Ukraine.
Prince Okaiteye from Ghana in a camp for prisoners of war from the Russian armed forces. Suspilne News/Oleksandr Sova
Recruitment networks
What do typical Russian schemes for recruiting fighters from Africa for the war look like? According to INTACT, the Russians have built up an entire network of organisations that recruit directly within African countries. The network involves bogus employment agencies or travel agencies, local media, religious organisations and Russian cultural centres. There is also a significant amount of aggressive advertising on TikTok, Instagram, Facebook, Telegram and other social media platforms.
Researcher Lu Osborne says: it is clear that the Russians are recruiting Africans on the ground. For example, there have been cases where African travel agencies with a good reputation suddenly began to advertise Russia with suspicious frequency. In two such cases, it later transpired that the travel agencies had been paid to do so.
— There have been even more worrying cases. “One agency set up in an African country immediately after the outbreak of full-scale war, and it works exclusively with Russia. Its representatives claim to have special accreditation from the Russian government to facilitate travel to Russia. But in reality, they were active participants in this recruitment network,” says Osborne.
Another trend is the use of so-called "friends of Russia". For example, local journalists who are now working for Moscow and promoting job opportunities in the Russian Federation. We have no first-hand confirmation of this — however, some of our colleagues in East African countries were extremely wary of our request to tell us more about the system for recruiting their citizens to fight on Russia’s side. One journalist even replied that he would be happy to help, but did not want to become a "mouthpiece for Ukrainian propaganda".
Lu also mentions other "friends of Russia". These include businesspeople who are part of their countries’ partnerships with Moscow, and business groups that go to great lengths to facilitate the travel of African citizens to Russia. Not just to the front line: in 2025, Deutsche Welle reported how Russia uses the "Alabuga Start" programme to deceive and recruit Cameroonian citizens, predominantly young women, under the guise of peace work or educational exchanges. However, they ended up assembling "Geran-2" kamikaze attack drones in Tatarstan.
"Russian Houses" — an international network of Russian cultural centres overseen by the state agency "Rossotrudnichestvo" — help to recruit people for "Alabuga".
“For example, in the Central African Republic, the "Russian House" is run by representatives of the "Wagner Group", and they organise recruitment events for the Alabuga factory,” says Osborne. “There have also been rumours that the Russian Orthodox Church plays a significant role in setting up recruitment networks.”
There are countless stories about how an African ends up on the front line of the Russian-Ukrainian war, but most of them follow a familiar pattern. The first scenario is when the person is already in Russia. It all begins when they find themselves in a vulnerable position: for example, their visa is about to expire and they are having trouble renewing it, they have come to the attention of the immigration authorities, or they are at risk of deportation. In such circumstances, many Africans agree to sign a contract to enlist in the army.
The second scenario is when a person travels to Russia from their country of origin. On the surface, it looks like an ordinary tourist trip, organised entirely by a travel agency. But the most interesting part begins afterwards. Prince Okaiteye says that a friend invited him to Russia, assuring him that he would be "guarding the border" but would not be directly involved in fighting. The man was then forced to sign a contract, the contents of which he did not understand as he did not speak Russian.
— He told me it was the border — but he was lying, because it turned out to be the front line after all. "I thought we were heading for a border post, but in fact we were heading for war," recalls Prince. After signing his contract, he was sent on a three-week training course. He was taught how to stand, move and handle a weapon he had never held before.
Upon his arrival in Russia, Tatinda was met by a man with whom he had previously corresponded on social media but had never met in person. At first, it really did seem like some sort of tourist trip — except that he wasn’t even told the names of the places they were taking him to. They also took his passport and removed the SIM card from his phone, preventing him from contacting his loved ones. They told him he would be working at a military camp, but the details only became clear after he had signed the contract, which he did not understand either.
— It was in Russian. They told me: "Just sign here," recalls Tatinda. According to him, he only had the chance to speak English after he was taken prisoner. Nobody spoke it at the training camp in Russia.
Tatinda Taririei from Zimbabwe agreed to fight in the Russian army, where he was allegedly assured that he would not take part in combat operations on the front line. Suspilne News/Oleksandr Sova
A teleport to the front line
From what Prince and Tatinda have said, it is difficult to understand exactly what their duties on the battlefield entailed. Most likely, they themselves could not fully understand this either, due to the language barrier. The Joint Staff say that Russia is taking advantage of this, as it needs people who carry out tasks without asking unnecessary questions.
— Russia, the Russian army, needs precisely those who go on assault missions. It needs cannon fodder. There is a language barrier — so, as a result, these people can only be sent on assault missions. They are promised that they will be in rear-line posts, as some sort of security guards. “This, by the way, is a new issue,” says Petro Yatsenko, spokesperson for the Joint Staff. “But in reality, that’s not the case. They end up in the very heart of the action and either die there or suffer horrific injuries.”
In the videoshared by Africans themselves from the combat zone, it is clear that they are often poorly equipped. Some do not even have body armour. Their weapons consist mainly of Kalashnikov assault rifles with a few magazines of ammunition. Such videos often reveal an extremely low level of motivation among the Africans, who have found themselves on the battlefield unexpectedly and without proper training. Philip Obaji says that training usually lasts only a few weeks — and the newly recruited African fighters are immediately thrown into the combat zone.
According to available information from the Coordination Headquarters, at least 486 African nationals have been killed in combat. An analysis of the lists of Africans killed in Ukraine shows that their average age is approximately 25–35 years. In other words, the Russians are deliberately recruiting men of the ideal age for the heavy physical demands of military service.
Lou Osborne points out that, on occasion, there are also better-trained fighters — though these are the exception. This applies in particular to Cameroonian nationals: many of them are former soldiers with combat experience. Such individuals have a better chance of surviving and securing a good post in the army.
— Some of them are petroleum engineers, so one could also imagine them taking on a very specific role in managing fuel distribution, for example. "But according to the data we have, the average survival time for a soldier [from Africa on the front line] is six months," says Osborne. "So, from a statistical point of view, most of them are cannon fodder."
African prisoners of war in a Russian Armed Forces prisoner-of-war camp. Suspilne News/Oleksandr Sova
Response to the problem
All in all, none of this information is new. So why, despite all the known risks, is the flow of people into Russia not slowing down? According to Ukrainian intelligence, by the end of 2026 the Russians plan to recruit over 18,000 foreigners into their armed forces. This is in addition to the 28,000 who are already fighting on the side of the Russian Federation.
Philip Obadji explains this by the fact that there are still many people living in rural communities in Africa who do not keep up with what is happening in the world. Or, to be more precise, even if they have heard about the war, they are unaware of the scale of Russia’s losses on the battlefield and the need for someone to compensate for them. Due to Russian propaganda in Africa, some people believe that the Ukrainians are losing on the battlefield and retreating.
— We know that any contact with Russia ends very badly. Africans, however, see it differently: the myth of the Soviet Union still persists there. That is one aspect of the problem, — says Marta Oliinyk-Dyomochko, an African studies researcher and representative of the Global Ukraine Foundation, speaking to Suspilne. — The second aspect is the fragmented nature of the recruitment network, which involves hundreds of different agencies. They get shut down — and the very next day, the same people set up similar companies under different names. Some countries simply lack the capacity to tackle this issue, given the host of other challenges they face.
The answer to the question "how can this be stopped" lies largely in the response of the governments of those countries whose citizens are fighting on Russia’s side. We asked the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs whether there are any African countries investigating the recruitment of their citizens to fight in the war against Ukraine. Back in March 2025, the Cameroonian authorities stated that they planned to take, as indicated in their reply, “extremely serious measures” to stop the recruitment of its citizens into the Russian Armed Forces, but in reality nothing has changed and Cameroon has become one of the leading countries in terms of the number of recruits and casualties in 2025–26.
A few weeks ago, a meeting took place in Moscow between the foreign ministers of Ghana and Russia, at which they agreed to "work towards resolving the issue of the illegal recruitment of citizens’, but no concrete steps have yet been taken. A similar statement was made by the Botswana government a month ago. The ministry noted at the time that the number of victims of recruitment schemes was “rising at an alarming rate”. It also stated that it regularly receives “desperate calls” from compatriots who have already ended up on the front line and are complaining about dangerous conditions.
— Many African countries have remained silent on this matter because they do not want to provoke Russia. I do not even expect the Sahel countries, such as Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, to say anything against Russia on this issue, — says Obaji.
The only exception to the rule here is Kenya. In March, a representative of the country met with the head of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Lavrov, after which he stated that the recruitment of his country’s citizens into the Russian army had come to an end. Indeed, there have been no reports of new recruitments since then – only news of Kenyan fatalities who had previously signed contracts with the Russian Armed Forces.
There have been instances where recruited soldiers have been returned to their home countries — for example, in February this year, the President of the Republic of South Africa announced that 17 out of 20 South African citizens had returned home; according to him, they had been deceived into joining the Russian army.
Prince Okaiteye last spoke to his wife and four daughters, who remained in Ghana, a year ago. He was taken prisoner by the Defence Forces after agreeing to fight in the Russian army. Suspilne News/Oleksandr Sova
Criminals or victims of human trafficking
Incidentally, in South Africa, the participation of foreign armies in hostilities – or even providing assistance to foreign military personnel – is considered a criminal offence. The country’s president did not disclose exactly how the recruited Africans were returned, noting that only those involved in recruiting for the Russian army remain under investigation.
In many African countries, mercenary activity is prohibited by law. Consequently, it is difficult for those already fighting abroad to return home – in many cases, this could result in criminal prosecution in their own country. This also complicates any potential negotiations regarding the return of these individuals. The problem could be resolved by recognising African citizens recruited by the Russian Federation as victims of Russian schemes – but there is no unanimous position on this within the region.
— Representatives of African countries claim that their people became involved in these fraudulent schemes illegally. But, as lawyers say, ignorance is no defence. They are breaching both UN regulations and local laws, — says Marta Oliinyk-Diomochko. — We do understand that for African countries, which went through a period of war in the 1970s and 1980s, mercenary activity was a mortal sin. It’s just that local legislative restrictions have so far existed only on paper, with no penalties enforced.
Lou Osborne clarifies that Africans who were deceived into going to the front line can also be regarded as victims of human trafficking. It does not matter whether they were lured by the promise of big money or had absolutely no idea where they would end up. Most Africans did not understand the nature of the terms set out in the contract they were forced to sign. So even those who voluntarily and knowingly joined the Russian Armed Forces were deceived at some stage in the process — and this constitutes evidence of human trafficking.
For Ukraine, Africans – like any foreigners fighting on Russia’s side – are a problem as part of the enemy’s army. As the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs told Suspilne, Kyiv is trying to counter recruitment, in particular by systematically informing African states and international partners about the activities of Russian recruitment networks. Ukraine is also trying to counter Russian disinformation in Africa.
In addition, the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in collaboration with the Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War, has created a specialised bilingual website, which details Russian recruitment methods, features testimonies from victims and provides practical advice for potential victims and their families.
— Ukraine is always ready to cooperate through diplomatic channels. Therefore, if governments are willing to save their own people, we are open to negotiations, — says Petro Yatsenko, a spokesperson for the headquarters. — Our main aim is to exchange these people for our defenders, who are in far worse conditions. These are soldiers who have signed contracts with the Russian army. Many of them do, in fact, hold passports. Consequently, Russia must take them and return our people to us. As for how and why it will do so, that is to be determined by the diplomatic efforts of the governments of those countries.
In Ukraine, mercenary activity is also a criminal offence. The article of the Criminal Code on mercenary activity provides for a prison sentence of between 5 and 10 years "for participation in armed conflicts, military or violent acts", and in the event of loss of life, up to 15 years or life imprisonment. In theory, Africans fall under the definition of mercenaries — after all, when they arrive in the Russian Federation, they do not hold Russian citizenship and are paid to fight.
However, according to the Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions, a combatant may only be considered a mercenary if they are not officially part of the armed forces of a party to the conflict. Russia therefore enlists foreigners into its armed forces before sending them to the front. Ukraine, on the other hand, grants Africans the status of prisoners of war and regards them as a resource for its prisoner-of-war exchange pool.
Prince is now asking to be allowed to return to his native Ghana, whilst Tatinda is asking to return to Zimbabwe.
— Just not to Russia, — says the other. — I don’t care about the money they took. That’s the end of my story [with that country]. I don’t want to go. Please, if you can help me with this, I’d be grateful. Because I didn’t expect them to treat me like that.
An article written by Olena Kurenkova (Suspilne), initially published on 22 September 2026, 15:48 (CEST)