The gathering, attended by European Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen and European Council President António Costa, marked a historic milestone for Moldova's European aspirations.
The summit took place amid Moldova's push for EU membership, September’s crucial parliamentary elections, regional security threats linked to Russia’s war on Ukraine, and ongoing efforts to curb the Kremlin's influence inside the country.
While the summit did not produce any breakthrough decisions, it reaffirmed the EU's commitment to Moldova's European integration.
The summit's final statement contained this key message: "We look forward to the next steps in Moldova’s accession process, including the opening of negotiating clusters—starting with the fundamental cluster—as soon as conditions are met."
The Ukraine factor
However, those conditions are not fully in Chișinău’s hands. Moldova’s EU accession bid is tied to Ukraine’s in a joint negotiation package. As long as Hungary maintains its veto on opening talks with Kyiv, Moldova’s progress is effectively blocked.
Some EU voices have floated the idea of decoupling the two candidates—allowing Moldova to move forward independently, potentially giving PAS a boost ahead of the election.
But that idea was put on hold. The European Commission, Denmark, which currently holds the EU presidency, and Moldova itself opposed the move, citing the risks of political fallout with Ukraine.
Concrete support
Brussels did, however, back its political message with financial and practical support. Moldova will receive EUR 270 million as the first tranche of a EUR 1.9 billion Moldova Growth Plan.
The funds will finance the construction of a new hospital in Bălți, upgrades to Chișinău’s heating infrastructure, and subsidies for gas and electricity bills.
Additionally, Moldova will join the EU's SEPA banking system on October 1, significantly reducing fees for bank transfers between Moldova and EU countries.
And beginning next year, Moldovan citizens in the EU will benefit from the "Roam Like at Home" programme, eliminating roaming charges for calls, texts and data.
These measures serve both to accelerate EU integration and to bolster public support for Sandu’s party ahead of a fiercely contested election.
Electoral headwinds
To maintain momentum on the EU path, both the European Commission and President Sandu agree: PAS must win an outright majority—at least 51 of 101 seats in parliament. That will be a challenge.
Current polling places PAS at around 35 percent support—well below the landslide victory it achieved four years ago.
Complicating matters, there is no obvious pro-European coalition partner. PAS has long stifled the emergence of potential allies, treating them as competitors rather than partners. That strategy may now be coming back to haunt it.
Meanwhile, the opposition shows far greater potential for coalition-building. Likely contenders include the Communist and Socialist Bloc of former presidents Vladimir Voronin and Igor Dodon; the pro-Russian Victory Bloc (Pobeda), led remotely by fugitive oligarch Ilan Șor; and the Alternative group headed by Sandu’s former rival Alexandru Stoianoglo and Chișinău Mayor Ion Ceban.
All are expected to enter parliament—and all are either explicitly or tacitly aligned with Moscow.
Diaspora and disinformation
As in past elections, Moldova’s diaspora could be decisive. In the 2020 presidential election, over 250,000 Moldovans abroad cast ballots—mostly in support of Sandu.
But parliamentary elections typically see lower turnout. The EU’s recent perks—lower fees for phone calls and money transfers—may help mobilise voters abroad.
The EU is also investing heavily in countering Russian disinformation and hybrid threats.
At the same time, it is quietly tolerating controversial moves by Moldovan authorities to restrict parties and media linked to Șor.
Once branded "Moldova’s greatest thief," Șor—wanted for embezzling USD 1 billion from the country’s banking system—has used the Telegram messaging app to run an elaborate voter bribery scheme from exile.
Over the past year, authorities have sought to tighten electoral safeguards. September's vote will be the ultimate test of whether those efforts have worked.
Tadeusz Iwański
The author is head of the Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova department at the Warsaw-based Centre for Eastern Studies (OSW). From 2006 to 2011, he worked at Polskie Radio dla Zagranicy, the Polish public broadcaster's international service.
Tadeusz Iwański