The talks focused on clarifying Western security guarantees for Kyiv and strengthening its position vis-à-vis Russia.
For the first time, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky was accompanied at such a summit by his new chief of staff, Kyrylo Budanov—until recently the head of Kyiv's military intelligence, a figure popular at home and widely respected by foreign partners.
Budanov’s appointment to this pivotal post in Ukraine’s power structure reflects several factors and a set of calculated considerations in both domestic and foreign policy.
Above all, it appears that Zelensky concluded he needed a strong figure to lead his presidential office after the November dismissal of Andriy Yermak, his predecessor, amid allegations linked to an anti-corruption probe known as Operation Midas.
Zelensky reportedly weighed various candidates for some time and even considered whether he could function without a chief of staff at all.
Choosing a well-regarded and popular officer associated with bold and effective security operations against Moscow—including inside Russia—is also meant to lend renewed luster to Zelensky himself.
The move helps offset image losses stemming from the scandal and, more broadly, from the prolonged retention of Yermak, who had become a toxic figure both domestically and internationally.
It is also possible that Budanov's appointment is intended to neutralize him as a potential rival to Zelensky in future elections.
Although the president has not said whether he will seek re-election, available polling suggests that the former head of military intelligence would defeat him in a second round.
Removing Budanov from the source of his public popularity and placing him at the center of domestic politics—potentially making him jointly responsible not only for future scandals but also for any socially contentious terms of a war settlement—could significantly blunt his appeal.
Finally, Budanov’s appointment may have been driven by the fact that it enables broader staffing moves within strategically vital parts of the administration and security services.
His appointment was the first step in what has become a year-end reshuffle in Kyiv.
Zelensky had announced such changes earlier, both in response to public calls for a "clean-up" after corruption scandals and as a substitute for a political "new beginning" in a war-torn country where elections cannot be held.
Most likely, however, he waited until he had a nearly complete picture of the overall reshuffle.
Key decisions include moving Deputy Prime Minister and Digital Transformation Minister Mykhailo Fedorov to the post of defense minister, shifting the former defense minister to head the energy ministry, and making changes in the leadership of the foreign intelligence service, military intelligence, the foreign ministry and the SBU security service.
The dismissal of the SBU chief—without an immediate successor—has sparked controversy in Ukraine, with critics calling it undeserved.
The external dimension of these changes is no less significant. They are intended to signal to foreign partners, particularly the United States, that amid ongoing talks on ending the war, Kyiv is determined to continue resisting if negotiations fail—or, as seems most likely, if Russia rejects a joint US-Ukrainian-European proposal for ceasefire terms.
Structurally, appointing Budanov as the presidential chief of staff and former deputy foreign minister Serhii Kyslytsya as his deputy strengthens Ukraine’s negotiating team and reinforces the presidential office as the central hub for coordinating national security policy.
On Wednesday, they continued consultations with the US delegation in Paris.
The agenda has remained unchanged for months: territorial arrangements and control over the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant.
The coming weeks will show whether Zelensky’s strategic design—and Budanov’s new role—will make a decisive difference.
Tadeusz Iwański
Tadeusz Iwański
The author is head of the Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova department at the Warsaw-based Centre for Eastern Studies (OSW). From 2006 to 2011, he worked at Polskie Radio dla Zagranicy, the Polish public broadcaster's international service.